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The Catholic take on the Capital

Lumen Editor

Published: Saturday, April 9, 2011

Updated: Saturday, April 9, 2011 15:04

 

 The recent crisis in Madison concerning Gov. Walker's proposed budget bill had drawn a distinct line between the unions, who sit in the bulls eye of the bill's sights, and Governor Walker, who was elected in part because of his budget-balancing platform—which he claims the controversial bill was a part of all along. 
      So the question is implied to every Wisconsinite: whose side are you on?
     Part of the difficulty in answering, is a reliability of sources. The majority of Wisconsin citizens were not familiar with the details of the state's budget before three weeks ago and are now being asked to make a decision on this topic of incredible nuance.   
     Both the unions and Walker have offered a plethora of material supporting their own perspectives, which only makes forming an opinion more difficult. Both sides are bursting with adamant supporters whose views are based on information completely legitimate—to their own purpose.  
      Finding a source whose interests do not fall within the party lines of either camp is difficult—but not impossible. 
     The Catholic church has been writing on the subjects of unions, bargaining rights, wealth, budgets, politics, poverty, and any other strand of the current issue in the capital since at the beginning of the past century, not with an eye for political gain, but with a prayer for the common good.
     To at all accept the views of the Catholic Church on virtually any topic, but specifically on something so close to the human condition as innate rights of the worker, one must understand that the position of the church is aligned with human salvation as its end. It must be acknowledged that at first, a balanced budget and personal wealth are not the concerns of the church, though they are a part of the conversation. 
      It must also be acknowledged that for some, the simple association of Catholicism with an opinion will deter them from listening. But it is the fate of every provocative conviction—and Catholicism in its very essence should provoke—to spur rejection alongside its reception. 
     The sense of entitlement, which lies in the belly of the current economic issue, is one on which the Church has long had its eye. The simple notion that lots of money is not in fact a human right, but a blessing to be shared is preposterous to the capitalistic ear. To put it flatly, Americans are not entitled to be rich. 
     Multiple cars, five bedroom houses, a boat, and a six-figure salary are not entitlements. Safety, food, family, and time to enjoy it all is though. 
     In 1891, Pope Leo XIII wrote the encyclical Rerum Novarum, which is Latin for "Of New Things." In it, he laid the foundation of the Church's teaching on worker rights, and the pursuit for capital by individuals and states.
     Among the many topics discussed in the encyclical is the workers' right to form unions.
     The support of unions is based, among many others, on the verse, "Better two than one by himself, since then their work is really profitable, if one should fall, then the other helps him up, but woe to the man with no one to help him up when he falls down" (Eccles 4:9-10). By biblically basing their stances, the unions are rendering their positions timeless. 
     The premise of the talk about unions in Rerum Novarum is summarized with the quote, "It is by virtue of the law of nature that men may enter into private societies…within a state."
     The unions, even as they exist now, directly correspond with the belief that "their immediate purpose is the particular interest peculiar to their own members." 
     The claims that unions are outdated, or have become an obstacle rather than a vehicle of progress, likely stem from the Rerum Novarum quote saying that unions, "should be allocated so as to best serve the common purpose, particular care being taken to ensure that distinctions do not breed discord." 
     This statement accuses unions of blurring the line between the common good of all people, and the common good of its members. 
     The accusations of union blurring between common good and member good are a far cry less than the blatant overlook—even ignorance—of the common good that is rampant in the political arena. Party loyalty has absolutely blinded democracy from seeking the common good, and is dangerously close to screening the sight of politics from the basic common need. 
     But politics are not being attacked, unions are.
     To the blurred vision of unions the church would not simply advise a systematic dismantling of unions, just as it does not advise the dismantling of state government, but a disassembling of unions what is happening with the new bill. 
     Rather, the Church would likely advise a renewal of a union's mission, based on a reexamination of purpose and common good. 
     The "Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church" published in 2005—114 years after Rerum Novarum—reiterates its much older predecessor, declaring that unions, "while pursuing their specific purpose, with regard to the common good, are a positive influence for social order and solidarity, and are therefore an indispensable element of social life." 
     The Compendium also offers renewed emphasis on global solidarity as a direction for unions while their original achievements of the eight hour work week; minimum wage; paid leave for vacation, holiday, and maternity and paternity leave, serve as reminders of what unions can accomplish.  
      The proposed bill would strip collective bargaining rights from unions and in doing so would silence the voice of solidarity. 
     The rights in jeopardy for teachers like negotiating what constitutes just cause for firings, layoffs, or not renewing contracts; reassignments and transfers; changes in health insurance plans, coverage, premiums, and co-pays; elimination of retirement provisions; changes in sick or maternity/paternity leave, are basic rights of the modern worker. Instead of taking them from the progressive places where they exist—like in the education system—we should work to implement them everywhere. This is the solidarity the Church preaches. 
     Of course, expanding the "cushy" benefits of teachers and other unionized fields would only push the budget crisis further into chaos. 
     So where is the money to afford this extreme solidarity? Is solidarity a commodity out of our price range? 
     War certainly does not seem to be…
    But that's a topic for another column.

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